Nelson Rockefeller

Nelson Rockefeller

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Nelson Aldrich Rockefeller was the third son of John D. He was active in philanthropy and art collecting, but he is best remembered as the first of the Rockefellers to successfully enter elective politics.Rockefeller, born in Bar Harbor, Maine, on July 8, 1908, was named after his maternal grandfather, Rhode Island Senator Nelson W. From an early age, Nelson was the leader of his four brothers and one sister: Abby Rockefeller Mauzé, John Davison Rockefeller III, Laurance Spelman Rockefeller, Winthrop Rockefeller, and David Rockefeller. He attended school in New York City and graduated from Dartmouth College in Hanover, New Hampshire, in 1930. His parents, Rockefeller Jr. and Abby Greene Aldrich, were active in art collecting, and Nelson quickly gained a role in promoting the work of new American artists in the Museum of Modern Art in mid-town Manhattan, New York. It led to an immediate controversy when one of the murals depicted big American capitalists, including a Rockefeller, as gangsters like Al Capone. Nelson kept the art but displayed it as inconspicuously as possible.During the World War II years, Rockefeller took positions with the State Department and focused on Latin American affairs. Afterward, he chaired the International Development Advisory Board, which was part of Truman's Point Four Program. With the election of Dwight D. Eisenhower as President, Rockefeller returned to Washington, D.C., and served as chair of the President's Advisory Committee on Government Organization, and later as a Department of Health, Education and Welfare undersecretary.In 1958, he won the New York governorship as a Republican, a position he held from 1959 to 1973. He also established the toughest anti-drug laws in the country regarding the possession and sale of cocaine and heroine, some of which remain on the books.As a part of his liberal plans, he created more low-income housing, with unprecedented power given to the New York State Urban Development Corporation, which could override local zoning, condemn property, and develop creative financing schemes to carry out desired development.To pay for those building projects, Rockefeller established approximately 230 public-benefit authorities like the U.D.C., which issued bonds with a higher interest rate than what the state would have charged. He managed to increase the state budget from $2.04 billion in 1959-60 to $8.8 billion in 1973-74 when he left office, during a time of overall state economic decline.In 1961, Rockefeller's most promising son and cum laude Harvard graduate, Michael, was lost while attempting to reach remote villages in his native catamaran in the interior of Papua, New Guinea, at age 23. Nelson organized an extensive search but his son was never found.Rockefeller unsuccessfully campaigned for the presidency in 1960, 1964, and 1968 but when Richard M. Nixon resigned the presidency in 1974, he came the closest he would in his public career of reaching the highest political office. Vice President Gerald Ford became President, under the provisions of the Twenty-fifth Amendment to the Constitution, and was required to designate a replacement for the office of Vice President. He chose Nelson Rockefeller, who was sworn in on December 19, 1974, and served until the end of Ford’s term in January, 1977.He died on January 26, 1979 of a heart attack and was cremated soon after. His ashes were buried at the family estate in Pocantico Hills, New York. Rockefeller was considered one of the leaders of the moderate wing of the Republican Party, and is hailed as an example of one of the outstanding figures of the "1960s and 1970s Republican" movement. Republicans who hold similar views to his are often called "Rockefeller Republicans."

Nelson Rockefeller - History

By Natalie LaFantasie Coolidge

The road to greatness often begins in a small New England village. This was true of a man whose grandparents and great grandparents lived in East Killingly, CT. From these upright citizens was passed on a strong family ethic . . "an ethic based on the fundamental American values, which has come down through the generations since then. . . This family ethic was transmitted by precept and example and conscientious daily instruction, from my grandparents to my father." These were the words of Nelson A. Rockefeller, Vice President of the United States from 1974 to 1977, in his statement to the Senate Rules Committee during his vice presidential confirmation hearings in 1974.

In continuing the Killingly Historical Journal's series of articles on famous people who came from the town of Killingly, our attention was called to the humble beginnings of Nelson A. Rockefeller's forebears by Louise and Allen Oatley of East Killingly. They had preserved a number of letters, newspapers and magazine articles that told some of the stories of his background. Mrs. Oatley also took me to the Bartlett Cemetery to see the place where Rockefeller's great grandparents were buried.

Their history begins in Foster, RI, where Anan Aldrich, son of Job Aldrich, lived with his wife, Abby (Burgess) Aldrich. One of their sons, Nelson Wilmarth Aldrich, was born November 6, 1841, on a farm in Foster belonging to his mother's people who were descendants of Roger Williams. When living in East Killingly, Nelson Wilmarth Aldrich received his early education in the country school on top of the hill, then enrolled in East Greenwich Academy in Rhode Island. He recalled in later years having to walk a mile to school from his grandmother's home, remembered attending Sunday School in the church and Thomas Pray was his teacher. He closed his speech at Old Home Day, July 27, 1904, at the Baptist Church there with these words: "I have had many varied experiences in life, but wherever I have been I have never ceased to think of the days in East Killingly as the happiest of my life." He said he was introduced to public speaking at the old Town House in Killingly Center.

After attending East Greenwich Academy in Rhode Island for one year, Nelson W. Aldrich went to work in Providence, RI, and soon after entered the employ of the leading wholesale grocers of the state. He was promoted so rapidly he became a junior partner and at the age of twenty-four was Junior Vice President.

He had already seen service in the 10th Rhode Island Volunteers, which was called to Washington to protect the capital in 1862 during the Civil War. After he had typhoid fever, he was discharged and returned to Providence the same year.

In 1866 he married Abby Chapman and one of their children was Abby Greene Aldrich who later married John Davison Rockefeller 2nd, a former student at Brown University in Providence. They had several children, one of whom was Nelson Aldrich Rockefeller. In speaking of the "influence of my mother," Nelson Rockefeller remembered Abby Aldrich Rockefeller, the daughter of a U. S. senator from Rhode Island, as "deeply motivated in an ethical and spiritual sense." His mother was the leavening influence on the family. She was a gay, warm, intuitive woman. He quoted from a letter from his mother to him and his two young brothers during their childhood:

"I want to make an appeal to your sense of fair play and to beseech you to begin your lives as young men by giving the other fellow, be he Jew or Negro, or of whatever race, a fair chance and a square deal. It is to the disgrace of America that horrible lynchings and race riots frequently occur in our midst. The social ostracism of the Jews is less brutal, and yet it often causes cruel injustices."

Religion also played a major role in Rockefeller's upbringing:

"We had family prayers every morning before breakfast and on Sunday attended Sunday school and church." While attending college at Dartmouth he taught a Sunday school class. "We were raised strictly, as was my father and his father before him," Rockefeller said. "The surroundings were obviously different, but the principles and the discipline were the same.

As a boy, Nelson would not apply himself to his studies. His puritanical father, John D. Rockefeller 2nd, despaired over him. Nelson was forever getting into mischief: flicking food across the stately Rockefeller dinner table, hiding a baby rabbit in his mother's muff in church, flunking subjects in high school. He was sent to Dartmouth College, in New Hampshire, because he could not qualify for Princeton, which was attended by his older brother John. At Dartmouth, his competitive spirit more than anything else made him work hard. He earned a Phi Beta Kappa key.

The Aldrich summer home (Anthony Shippee house) on the old Pike Road (Route 101) once had John D. Rockefeller 2nd as a guest. When Erwin B. Chase, Sr., sometimes known as Barber Chase, was driving him back and forth in a horse and buggy, he never dreamed that the man with him would some day be the father of the Vice President of the United States.

Although Nelson Rockefeller grew up in splendor and enormous wealth, his father drummed into all his children a deep sense of responsibility. He had many years of experience in government and politics. He served under Presidents Roosevelt, Truman and Eisenhower, and was Governor of New York for four terms---longer than any man since colonial times. He had long wanted to be President having campaigned for the Republican nomination three times--in 1960, 1964 and 1968--but could never win. Then he was chosen by Gerald Ford to be his Vice President.

Thus the road from East Killingly, CT, concluded at the end of Pennsylvania Avenue, Washington, D.C.

From: Windham County Transcript: - January 2, 1908

The moving pictures and illustrated songs each afternoon and evening at Phoenix Hall are the best ever seen in Danielson. The program is changed twice a week and is strictly first class. The new electric piano furnishes music during the program. The illustrated songs are sung by Clarence Kies, formerly with Salisbury's moving pictures and Miss Dora Reeves, who in her catchy songs receives nightly great applause. "Why Don't You Take Our Little Boy?" is the song she is singing with great success this week. Five cents is the low price of admission to these entertainments. No moving picture company that is charging 25 cents and 35 cents admission is giving any better programs. It is an opportunity to pass an evening of enjoyment of high-class moving pictures and illustrated songs at a very small cost. These programs, given as they are in Phoenix Hall, the prettiest and most comfortable hall in Danielson, are deserving the hearty patronage of the public. Last week the seating capacity of the hall was tested every evening, and Saturday evening there was standing room only. The entertainment commences every afternoon at 4 o'clock, running continuously until 10.

ROCKEFELLER, Nelson Aldrich

(b. 8 July 1908 in Bar Harbor, Maine d. 26 January 1979 in New York City), governor of New York throughout the 1960s who sought and failed to receive the Republican nomination for president in 1960, 1964, and 1968 the scion of the enormously wealthy Rockefeller family.

The second son and third of six children born to philanthropists John Davison Rockefeller, Jr., and Abby Greene Aldrich, Rockefeller grew up with tremendous wealth, power, and prestige as the grandson of the richest man in the world, John D. Rockefeller, and of U.S. senator Nelson Aldrich, who represented Rhode Island as a Republican. He attended the Lincoln School, a progressive coeducational institution in New York City, then graduated from Dartmouth College (1926–1930) with a B.A. cum laude in economics. Rockefeller married Mary Todhunter Clark, a Philadelphia socialite, on 23 June 1930 the couple had five children and divorced in 1962.

Although he knew he would inherit a trust fund of $40 million, Rockefeller was no playboy. He joined the family office in 1931, obtained a real estate broker's license, and began to sell space in the new Rockefeller Center, then the world's largest office complex. Taught from birth that wealth carries an obligation to help others, Rockefeller made his first contribution to public life by serving under President Franklin D. Roosevelt in 1940. As coordinator of the Office of Inter-American Affairs, he attempted to ward off the threat of Nazism by providing Latin Americans with economic assistance. In 1944 he became the assistant secretary of state for Latin American affairs, but his aggressive approach led to conflict with his superiors, and Rockefeller resigned a year later. Determined to help other families benefit from capitalism as his had, he created the American International Association for Economic and Social Development to prevent the spread of Communism in Latin America by using private U.S. funds to improve public health, education, and agriculture. Named by President Dwight Eisenhower in 1952 to reorganize the federal government, Rockefeller recommended the creation of the Department of Health, Education, and Welfare (HEW) and served as its undersecretary from 1953 to 1954. Rockefeller left HEW to serve as Eisenhower's special assistant on cold war strategy, a post he held until his nomination as secretary of defense was blocked in 1955 because of his reputation for heavy spending.

With his federal government career curtailed, Rockefeller looked to his home state of New York and won election as its governor in 1958. He eventually served four terms over fifteen years, from 1959 to 1973. Charismatic, hardworking, and able to relate to people at all rungs on the social ladder, he saw every problem as solvable, but his optimistic spending contributed to New York's financial troubles in the 1970s. Intent on keeping a friendly business climate in the state by lowering business taxes, Rockefeller paid for the expansion of New York government and the accompanying 300 percent jump in the state budget during his tenure by raising individual taxes. He continually argued that the federal government should provide greater subsidies to larger states. To defend his controversial fiscal policies and to measure public opinion, Rockefeller began an innovative ten-year practice in 1961 of holding a series of town meetings around New York.

As socially liberal as he was free-spending, Rockefeller often seemed more like a New Deal Democrat than a Republican. He revitalized Albany, the capital of New York, by building a vast governmental complex he funded the construction of hospitals and roads, advocated civil rights, supported rent control, and promoted treatment for narcotics abusers rather than strict criminal penalties (a position that changed in the 1970s because treatment failed to have much effect). One of his most creative programs, the Urban Development Corporation (UDC) of 1968, built low-and middle-income housing by mixing four dollars of private capital with one dollar of government aid. Able to override local zoning laws, much to the anger of many New Yorkers, it was the nation's most powerful state agency for urban housing construction. Rockefeller used his personal contacts with the Wall Street financial community, particularly his brother David, head of Chase Manhattan Bank, to keep the agency solvent. After he left office, the UDC defaulted on its loans. Rockefeller's greatest legacy to the state may be the expansion of the state university system, which increased from 38,000 students on 28 campuses to 246,000 students on 71 campuses by the time he left office.

Rockefeller's personal life occasionally made headlines during the 1960s. In 1961 his youngest son, Michael, disappeared on an anthropological expedition in New Guinea. The family's prominence made the disappearance headline news around the globe. Rockefeller immediately flew to assist in a fruitless search for the remains of the young man, who was possibly attacked by crocodiles or, more likely, killed in a racially motivated attack by cannibals.

As governor of the most populous and powerful state in the country, Rockefeller instantly became a major figure in the Republican Party upon his 1958 election moderate Republicans bandied his name about as a candidate for the presidency in 1960. An ambitious man, Rockefeller had designs on the office and made a nationwide exploratory tour in 1959, but the qualities that made him a successful governor did not make him a good national candidate. Rockefeller typically relied on his staff to conduct massive amounts of research. In 1960 he gave up his pursuit of the nomination, reporting that the "people who were running my campaign said it was hopeless." He simply lacked the fierce determination that propelled other men, like Richard Nixon, to ignore the naysayers. The downing of a U-2 spy plane over Russia in May 1960 prompted Rockefeller to threaten to split the party at the convention by making himself available for a draft unless his advocacy of increased defense spending and stronger support for civil rights were reflected in the Republican Party platform. This blackmail did not endear Rockefeller to party leaders, and his actions hurt him when he again flirted with the nomination in subsequent years.

Rockefeller's presidential campaigns were also constrained by his governorship unlike the eventual 1960s Republican presidential nominees Nixon and Barry Goldwater, he had a state to run. He did not have the luxury of spending years courting the party faithful, nor, as he acknowledged in his twilight days, would he have been content to sit on the sidelines gathering support while others ran the country. Rockefeller also had to attract diverse, multiethnic urban voters to maintain political power in New York, and the programs that appealed to such an audience did not necessarily meet with the approval of southern or western white suburbanites. Key state and local Republicans around the country preferred a more conservative leader.

In 1964 Rockefeller had an excellent chance of winning the presidential nomination, but his personal life cast too dark a shadow. He had fallen in love with Margaretta "Happy" Fitler Murphy, eighteen years his junior and a married mother of four young children. Both Rockefeller and Happy divorced their spouses they married on 4 May 1963. Before his remarriage, Rockefeller had been ahead of Goldwater in the polls, but his actions cost him this lead. To add further insult, Goldwater partisans came up with the slogan "We want a leader, not a lover." Rockefeller managed to win the Oregon primary in May 1964, but the first of two sons that Happy bore him arrived with unfortunate timing a week before the California primary. With Rockefeller's morality again on center stage, California voters gave Goldwater the win.

In 1968 a staff analyst told Rockefeller he could not be nominated for the presidency, and he intended to sit out the campaign. Accordingly, he publicly withdrew in March 1968, but he reentered the race at the end of April after appeals from moderates and the business community. Having entered too late to mount a serious challenge to the frontrunner, Richard Nixon, and having antagonized many leading Republicans, Rockefeller's only hope lay in a massive groundswell of support. He spent lavishly on national television advertising to raise his opinion polls, but he could not overcome Nixon's lead.

Despite his differences with Nixon, Rockefeller loyally supported the president. A hawk and a strong anti-Communist, he supported Nixon's Vietnam policy and acted as the president's emissary to Latin America in 1969. Continuing to yearn for the presidency, he renominated Nixon at the 1972 convention in an attempt to better position himself for the 1976 campaign. Chosen as Gerald Ford's vice president when Nixon and Agnew resigned in disgrace, Rockefeller was sworn in on 19 December 1974 and found himself marginalized in the White House and in his own party. He retired from politics in 1975. On a Friday night in 1979 he met privately with a female staff worker in his New York City townhouse and suffered a fatal heart attack, fueling considerable speculation about the exact circumstances of his demise. His cremated remains were buried in the Rockefeller Family Cemetery, near the family's Westchester County estate in Sleepy Hollow, New York.

A liberal and a believer in an activist government, Rockefeller fell out of step with the increasingly conservative Republican Party of the 1960s. Although a much-ad-mired and enormously popular governor who helped millions of New Yorkers with innovative policies, he failed in his lifelong ambition to become president because he did not appeal to voters in the South and West who dominated the Republican ranks.

Rockefeller's private and governmental papers are held at the Rockefeller Archive Center, Pocantico Hills, near Tarrytown, New York. He authored a number of books, including The Future of Federalism (1962) Unity, Freedom, and Peace (1968) and Our Environment Can Be Saved (1970). Biographies of Rockefellerinclude James Desmond, Nelson Rockefeller: A Political Biography (1964) Robert H. Connery and Gerald Benjamin, Rockefeller of New York: Executive Power in the Statehouse (1979) Joseph E. Persico, The Imperial Rockefeller: A Biography of Nelson A. Rockefeller (1982) and James F. Underwood and William J. Daniels, Governor Rockefeller in New York: The Apex of Pragmatic Liberalism in the United States (1982). James Poling's The Rockefeller Record: A Political Self-Portrait (1960) is a collection of his public utterances. The dominant Rockefeller of his generation, he is covered heavily in Peter Collier and David Horowitz, The Rockefellers: An American Dynasty (1976). Nicol C. Rae, The Decline and Fall of the Liberal Republicans: From 1952 to the Present (1989), summarizes Rockefeller's presidential runs. An obituary is in the New York Times (27 Jan. 1979).

Nelson Rockefeller - History

Nelson Rockefeller was born on July 8, 1908 in Bar Harbor Maine. He was born into one of the richest families in the United States his grandfather, John D. Rockefeller I, made the family fortune with Standard Oil, and his four brothers became prominent in their respective fields. He went to elementary and high school at an experimental school run by Teacher's College of Columbia University. He received a college degree from Dartmouth College. Nelson entered public service in 1940, becoming coordinator of inter-American affairs in the State Department. In 1944, he was appointed Assistant Secretary of State for Latin America, helping to formulate and implement President Franklin D. Roosevelt's "Good Neighbor" policy.

During the Truman Administration, Rockefeller served as chairman of the International Development Advisory Board on aid to underdeveloped countries, and under President Eisenhower he was appointed Undersecretary of the Department of Heath, Education and Welfare (1953-1955), after which he was a special assistant to the President for foreign affairs.

Rockefeller ran successfully for the New York governorship in 1958, defeating W. Averell Harriman. During his four successive terms, Rockefeller began large-scale welfare and drug rehabilitation programs, reorganized the New York transportation system and built major public works projects. In order to finance his programs, he raised taxes and began a state sales and income tax.

In 1971, Rockefeller came under attack for the manner in which he handled a violent uprising at Attica State Prison.

Rockefeller campaigned for the Republican nomination for President in 1960, 1964 and 1968, but was considered too liberal by the party. After the Watergate Scandal that resulted in the resignation of President Nixon, Gerald Ford became President and chose Rockefeller as his Vice President. Sworn in on December 19, 1974, he went on to head the Rockefeller Commission investigating allegedly illegal activities of the CIA.

In addition, Rockefeller advised the administration on domestic and economic issues. When Ford ran for election in 1976, Rockefeller declined to be his running mate because of opposition from the conservative wing of the Republican Party. At the end of his term as Vice President, Rockefeller retired to private life.

John D. Rockefeller: Philanthropy and Final Years

Rockefeller retired from day-to-day business operations of Standard Oil in the mid-1890s. Inspired in part by fellow Gilded Age tycoon Andrew Carnegie (1835-1919), who made a vast fortune in the steel industry then became a philanthropist and gave away the bulk of his money, Rockefeller donated more than half a billion dollars to various educational, religious and scientific causes through the Rockefeller Foundation. Among his activities, he funded the establishment of the University of Chicago and the Rockefeller Institute for Medical Research (now Rockefeller University).

In his personal life, Rockefeller was devoutly religious, a temperance advocate and an avid golfer. His goal was to reach the age of 100 however, he died at 97 on May 23, 1937, at The Casements, his winter home in Ormond Beach, Florida. (Rockefeller owned multiple residences, including a home in New York City, an estate in Lakewood, New Jersey and an estate called Kykuit, old Dutch for “lookout,” set on 3,000 acres near Tarrytown, New York.) He was buried at Lake View Cemetery in Cleveland.

How the 1964 Republican Convention Sparked a Revolution From the Right

There were only three small elevators at the Mark Hopkins, the splendid old San Francisco hotel that served as headquarters for contenders Barry Goldwater and William Scranton during the 1964 Republican National Convention. The wait that hot July week could stretch to 45 minutes. The day Goldwater was to accept the nomination at the Cow Palace in nearby Daly City, he caught a service elevator in the hotel kitchen.

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That was where a reporter cornered the Arizona senator and asked him whether the Democrats would campaign on the fact that nearly 70 percent of the convention delegates, acting on his campaign's instructions, had voted down a platform plank affirming the constitutionality of the recently passed Civil Rights Act. "After Lyndon Johnson—the biggest faker in the United States? He opposed civil rights until this year. Let them make an issue of it," Goldwater snapped back. "He's the phoniest individual who ever came around."

Goldwater's tone reflected the tenor of this ugliest of Republican conventions since 1912, as entrenched moderates faced off against conservative insurgents. In an era in which a national consensus seemed to have coalesced around advancing civil rights, containing Communism and expanding government, the moderates believed they had to win to preserve the Republican Party. The conservatives—who wanted to contain the role of the federal government and roll back Communism—believed they were saving not just the party but Western civilization.

The logy Mark Hopkins elevators gave the insurgents, flooding into town for what Goldwater biographer Robert Alan Goldberg called the "Woodstock of the right," at least two chances a day to bait Chet Huntley and David Brinkley, anchors of NBC's nightly newscast—and crypto-liberals, according to their harassers. "You know, these nighttime news shows sound to me like they're being broadcast from Moscow," one conservative observed to another on the way down, loud enough for the two newsmen to hear. Brinkley forbade his son, Alan, to show his NBC insignia, except to security.

The volume of right-wing rage at the media was novel at this Republican convention. Unprecedented, too, was the attention focused on the issue of television coverage. The convention was the first since CBS and NBC had expanded their nightly newscasts from 15 minutes to 30 minutes, and the first since the assassination and funeral of President John F. Kennedy redefined the bond between television and politics. In 1960, there were about as many journalists, both print and broadcast, as delegates. Four years later, broadcasters alone outnumbered delegates two to one.

As it happened, Alan Brinkley grew up to become one of the most distinguished historians of 20th-century American politics. He has written of the 1964 conventions, Republican and Democratic, as transitional—managed by politicians who were accustomed to backroom deal-making and high-pressure crowd tactics and were caught up short to learn that they were suddenly in the business of producing a TV show.

And what a show the GOP convention was! Conservatives from the West, the South and the Midwest were convinced that the only way moderate "Wall Street Republicans" had been able to run away with the presidential nomination every four years was that "a few secret kingmakers in New York" conspired to steal it, as Illinois activist Phyllis Schlafly put it in a self-published book, A Choice Not an Echo, several hundred thousand copies of which were distributed in the summer of 1964. (Some convention delegates reported receiving more than 60 copies in the mail.) They weren't going to let it be stolen this time.

Goldwater's finance chairman, Bill Middendorf, warned campaign aide Dean Burch that "the 1952 tricks will be used again": planted stories, whispering campaigns, threats, cajolery and the "shanghaiing and spiriting of delegates and alternates to distant points." Goldwater delegates were warned to be on the lookout "for unexpectedly easy companionship from new-found female friends." They were to contact the Goldwater headquarters on the 15th floor of the Mark Hopkins immediately after landing at the airport and to travel around town in pairs along pre-timed routes in radio-equipped cars. They used walkie-talkies only as back-ups, because these could be too easily tapped into—as, indeed, they had tapped into Scranton's.

Bill Scranton, whose patrician family ran the Pennsylvania coal town that bore his name, seemed to comedian Dick Gregory like "the guy who runs to John Wayne for help." (Goldwater looked like a cowboy.) Scranton had entered the race as a last-minute act of noblesse oblige. "Today the nation—and indeed the world—waits to see if another proud political banner will falter, grow limp and collapse in the dust," he had said as he announced his candidacy just four weeks before the convention. "Lincoln would cry out in pain if we sold out our principles."

According to a Harris Poll taken late that June, 62 percent of rank and file Republicans preferred Scranton to Goldwater, but the supposed Wall Street kingmakers were in dithering disarray. ("What in God's name has happened to the Republican Party!" muttered Henry Cabot Lodge —the party's 1960 vice presidential nominee—as he paged through the delegate list in his hotel room. "I hardly know any of these people!") The moderates' strategy was to put the Goldwaterites' perceived extremism on televised display, hoping delegates would flock to Scranton after being flooded by telegrams from outraged voters watching at home.

The moderates circulated a translation of an interview Goldwater had given to a German newsmagazine, in which he was quoted as saying he would tell his generals in Vietnam, "Fellows, we made the decision to win, now it's your problem." CBS correspondent Daniel Schorr then reported, "It is now clear that Senator Goldwater's interview with Der Spiegel with its hard line appealing to right-wing elements in Germany was only the start of a move to link up with his opposite numbers in Germany," with Schorr basing his assertion simply on the fact that Goldwater would be vacationing after the convention at an American military installation that was, coincidentally, in the former Nazi stronghold of Bavaria. (Schorr later said he did not mean to suggest "a conscious effort" by Goldwater to connect with the German right.)

Schorr's report only stirred the hornet's nest: the delegates who had trooped to the conservative Woodstock to nominate Goldwater greeted calls that they abandon him with angry defiance, and their loyalty put their candidate over the top. When Nelson Rockefeller, speaking to the assembled, advocated a platform plank denouncing extremism, galleries full of exuberant conservatives booed him. In his acceptance speech, Goldwater capped off the snub by lustily and defiantly proclaiming: "Extremism in the defense of liberty is no vice. And. moderation in the pursuit of justice is no virtue!" He raised the rafters.

The "stench of fascism is in the air," Pat Brown, California's liberal Democratic governor, told the press. His view was widely shared. The political world's near unanimous judgment was that Goldwater's landslide loss to LBJ that November was a disaster for all Republicans, not just conservative Republicans.

But Bill Middendorf would more accurately call his memoir of that year A Glorious Disaster. Out of its ashes and out of the fervent grassroots organizing that delivered Goldwater his unlikely nomination emerged a Republican Party surer of its identity and better positioned to harvest the bounty—particularly in the South—when the American mood shifted to the right during the cacophonous years that followed.

Rick Perlstein is the author, most recently, of Nixonland: The Rise of a President and the Fracturing of America.

&aposMan at the Crossroads&apos Controversy

By 1938, at 30 years old, Rockefeller was named the president of Rockefeller Center, Inc. His tenure, however, was not without controversy: In 1934, he famously ordered the demolition of a mural by Mexican artist Diego Rivera, entitled "Man at the Crossroads," which portrayed Soviet leader Vladimir Lenin. While he had commissioned Rivera to complete a mural in the RCA building, located at Rockefeller Center, Rockefeller (along with several others who managed to view the work before it was publicly unveiled) disliked Rivera&aposs insertion of Lenin𠅊n addition that was neither approved nor known about in advance. The artist had reportedly included the Soviet leader in his mural in an attempt to portray the turbulent political atmosphere at the time, which was largely defined by conflicting capitalist and socialist ideologies and escalating fears regarding the growth of the Communist Party.

An ensuing publish backlash against the Rockefellers—who, after long proclaiming a deep dedication to the arts, now looked both hypocritical and tyrannical—reportedly humiliated Rockefeller&aposs mother, Abby, who, in response to the negative publicity, stated that she had never wanted the mural to be destroyed. While Rockefeller is widely credited with demolishing Rivera&aposs mural, John Jr. later attempted to explain the incident, stating, "The picture was obscene and, in the judgment of Rockefeller Center, an offense to good taste. It was for this reason primarily that Rockefeller Center decided to destroy it."

The story of Nelson Rockefeller's death and the spin that kept the (sexy) truth out of the headlines

They didn't recognize the shoeless man lying unconscious on the floor of the posh Manhattan townhouse. The blonde trying to resuscitate him was frightened and out of breath.

"How long has he been out?" one of the paramedics asked.

His body was warm, but they couldn't find a pulse. Now they began administering oxygen and injecting powerful drugs into the shoeless man's veins to jump-start his heart.

Six minutes later the electrocardiogram line gave a wiggle. But as paramedic William McCabe radioed nearby St. Clare's Hospital that the squad was ready to roll, he got inexplicable orders to head for farther-away Lenox Hill Hospital instead.

At Lenox Hill a few minutes later, the ambulance was met by Dr. Ernest Esakof.

"All right," Esakof announced to the crew. "Let's not talk about this."

At 12:20 a.m. on Saturday the 26th of January 1979, 70-year-old Nelson Aldrich Rockefeller, former four-term governor of the State of New York and former vice president of the United States of America, was declared dead, apparently of a heart attack.

Forty minutes later, Rockefeller family spokesman Hugh Morrow began unspooling the official story of the great man's last moments.

But matters were already spinning out of control.

The scion of the family that oversaw America's most famous fortune, Nelson Rockefeller lusted his entire life for that which even his millions could not buy the presidency.

An aristocrat who treated his wives to new Rolls-Royces each year, he had nonetheless always been a hit with the masses. "Rocky" worked hard at being a regular guy, throwing out a jaunty "Hiya, fella!" as he glad-handed voters en route to his four terms in Albany.

But he was often at odds with his own Republican Party, and in the twilight of his career he'd had to settle for a truncated two-year stint as vice president to Gerald Ford, a man the otherwise populist Rockefeller considered his distinct inferior.

In the summer of 1975, the unhappy veep had met a 22-year-old wire-service reporter named Megan Marshack, who seemed to have won his interest by plying him with cookies. When he left Washington the following year, Marshack came back to New York with him as his $60,000-a-year assistant moving into a luxurious co-op at 25 W. 54th St., a few doors from the townhouse Rockefeller kept in the city.

The first press reports of Rockefeller's death paid moving tribute to the hardworking GOP elder who had died at his desk while working on a book about modern art.

Solemnly, Morrow told reporters Rockefeller had suffered a heart attack at 10:15 Friday night in his office at 30 Rockefeller Plaza and that a security aide, the only other person present, had tried to revive him and failed. The stricken man had been admitted to Lenox Hill at 11:15, he said, and widow Happy Rockefeller had arrived at 12:25 a.m., 10 minutes too late. Of the frightened blonde, Morrow made no mention.

The following day, Morrow admitted he'd gotten one or two details wrong. Actually, Rockefeller had died at his 54th St. townhouse, he said. A chauffeur also had been there at the time. Of the blonde, there was still no mention.

But there she was in the police reports, and now the press wanted to know about her.

Well, yes, Morrow acknowledged, he had just learned that Nelson Rockefeller's young assistant also had been present when his heart gave out.

In his death, the distinguished Nelson Aldrich Rockefeller now became a lurid tabloid astonisher.

None of the story held up. He'd been stricken at 10:15, he arrived at the hospital at 11:15 why, the press wondered, had it taken an hour to get Rockefeller to the hospital? No, the Rockefeller camp said, the heart attack had actually occurred minutes before 11:15 and the time originally given out had been incorrect. "It was simply a case of people under pressure making a mistake," said spokesman George Taylor. As for Marshack, said Morrow, she had called 911, and that was the sole extent of her involvement.

But it wasn't Marshack who had called 911 at all, it quickly developed. That call had been made by TV personality Ponchitta Pierce, who lived in Marshack's building and who had departed the scene before cops arrived.

Marshack was gone now too visiting friends in the country, Morrow said, he didn't know where. That story collapsed when it was learned that The Associated Press had reached Marshack by phone four hours after Rockefeller's heart stopped beating, and that she'd told the AP that Morrow was with her.

Morrow clammed up altogether at this point.

By now the questions were too large to contain. Why hadn't there been an autopsy? Why had Rockefeller been so quickly cremated? And who exactly was this Miss Marshack, anyway?

Megan Marshack had several acquaintances quite willing to dish to the papers. Quickly there came revelations that Rockefeller had helped her buy her plush apartment, furnished it with antiques and art from his personal collection, provided for riding lessons at his Pocantico Hills estate in Westchester. Marshack's neighbors said Rockefeller, stooped though he was by worsening health, was a frequent visitor and always brought flowers for his comely assistant. Former co-workers made it plain they regarded Marshack as a gold-digger, a woman who talked openly of snaring a man with money.

Manhattan District Attorney Robert Morgenthau made an "informal" inquiry into the events surrounding Rockefeller's death then declined to reveal what he'd turned up. "I don't want to get into questions like that," he said.

In an America still uncertainly coming to terms with the notion of seeing the names and reputations of its devoted public servants sullied, social observers fretted that the line between news and gossip was perhaps becoming blurred, not to mention the line between privacy and public interest. But it wasn't long before Johnny Carson could start drawing laughs merely by uttering the words "Megan Marshack."

American Experience

Nelson A. Rockefeller. Rockefeller Archive Center

Nelson Rockefeller believed in fate. After all, he was born on the same day as his larger-than-life grandfather, John D. Rockefeller, Sr., a coincidence he always took to be an omen of great things to come. With Senior, he shared an ambitious vision and the boundless energy to make it real. But in other respects, Nelson couldn't have been more different from the Rockefeller patriarch. Turning his back on the intense privacy that had shielded the family for generations, he took the Rockefellers in a bold new direction. He wanted to be popular and powerful. And he wanted to be President of the United States. But fate, it turned out, would not oblige.

Born on July 8, 1908 in Bar Harbor, Maine, Nelson Aldrich Rockefeller soon showed signs of the irrepressible temperament that would be his trademark. He led his brothers in all kinds of projects, displaying the charm and vitality inherited from his mother, Abby Aldrich Rockefeller, who clearly favored him. Nelson had a more strained relationship with his father, John D. Rockefeller, Jr., whose emphasis on discipline and modesty didn't quite suit his third child.

Unlike his father, in fact, Nelson always seemed to be in a hurry. He got married just a few days after graduating from Dartmouth, and was soon searching for ways to "get very far in this world," as he put it. The newly started Riockefeller Center project provided a good launching pad. Building on his interest in modern art, which he had inherited from his mother, he handled relations with the artists hired to embellish the complex, including the controversial Diego Rivera. He also plunged into the task of finding tenants for the ambitious complex, showing leadership and managerial skills that would make him indispensable in the family venture. In 1938, at the age of 29, he was named president of Rockefeller Center.

But Rockefeller's restlessness and ambition would soon push him beyond the confines of New York City. Seeking a role in national politics, he joined President Roosevelt's administration in 1940 as the head of a new agency for Latin-American affairs. He stayed in Washington for the next five years, and again between 1953 and 1955, working on foreign affairs, government reorganization, and public policy under Presidents Truman and Eisenhower.

Rockefeller was determined to use the experience he had accumulated in the federal government to gain elective political office. In 1958, he decided to run for governor of New York State. His campaign revealed a confident and affable politician, at his best when pressing the flesh and striking up conversations with the people who came out to see him. "Hi Ya, Fella" became his signature greeting. "Rocky," his nickname. After a massive campaign, bankrolled with his legendary fortune, Rockefeller won the election handily. The New York Times did not fail to notice the historical significance of the result: "The election of Nelson Aldrich Rockefeller has given the final stamp of public approval to a name that once was among the most hated and feared in America."

Rockefeller wasted no time making the most of his new political prominence. As governor, he took it upon himself to change the physical face of New York State through an array of sweeping public works projects. He built low-income housing, schools, hospitals, roads, and monuments -- among them, the grandiose Albany Mall, a marble complex which is now the seat of the State government. He also established a strong and ambitious state university system (SUNY) and a modern highway network, spending liberally with the help of complicated financing schemes. But as he dove into his own brand of gubernatorial activism, Rockefeller never lost sight of his ultimate goal.

In 1960, barely two years into his first term as governor, he sought the Republican presidential nomination, but lost to Richard Nixon. Four years later, he would come much closer, ultimately yielding to Barry Goldwater and the fallout from a controversial second marriage. But Rockefeller's timing was flawed. His liberal views in social issues and domestic policy (including civil rights) were out of step with the shift to the right in the Republican Party since the late 1950s. In 1968, the year of his third and last try, the so-called "Rockefeller Republican" — a liberal in domestic policy and a hawk when it came to foreign affairs -- was facing extinction.

Rockefeller himself had not been immune to the impact of his party's transformation. Re-elected to the governorship three times -- in 1962, 1966, and 1970 — he too gradually moved to the right. His ill-fated decision to suppress the Attica prison riot in 1971 made him the target of bitter criticism from the left and the media. He became a champion of "law and order," staging a crackdown on "welfare chiselers" and introducing extremely harsh drug laws that called for lengthy prison sentences for petty crimes. Some of these measures, along with the widespread patronage and budgetary excesses that dominated New York politics during Rockefeller's tenure, overshadowed the accomplishments of his 15 years in office.

Rockefeller had always refused offers to be "standby equipment," as he referred to the nomination for vice president. But when in the summer of 1974 he was asked to take on that role by President Ford following the Watergate scandal, he did not hesitate. This could be his last chance ever of reaching the highest office. But his appointment was controversial, and what should have been a swift confirmation process turned into a protracted and grueling inquiry into the extent of the Rockefeller fortune and its hidden influence. "This myth about the power which my family exercises needs to be brought out into the light," Rockefeller argued before the Senate committee. "It just does not exist. I've got to tell you, I don't wield economic power." Unable to prove that the opposite was true, Congress confirmed Rockefeller's nomination, but his was a lame-duck tenure, cinched by President Ford's decision to drop him from his re-election ticket.

It would be four years before Rockefeller made headlines again. On Sunday, January 27, 1979, New Yorkers awoke to the news that Nelson Rockefeller had died of a heart attack at the age of 71 while working at his office in mid-town Manhattan. In the days ahead, as dignitaries and associates sang his praises, the actual circumstances of Rockefeller's death began to emerge: he had died in his townhouse while in the company of a young female staff assistant 45 years his junior. Her delay in calling the paramedics stirred endless speculation, leaving many questions unanswered. But one thing was certain: in death, as in life, Nelson Rockefeller had once again pushed the boundaries of the Rockefellers.

The Life and Strangely Sexual Death of Nelson Rockefeller

The famed businessman’s 70 years on Earth before succumbing to an alleged sex-fueled heart attack are truly the stuff beyond legend.

Brobdingnagian, a word penned by Jonathan Swift in Gulliver’s Travels, comes closest to describing politician Nelson Aldrich Rockefeller’s peregrinations on this planet as a man of both towering intellect and colossal blind spots. Which also probably pegs his appeal, since there have not been many figures in public life who were so public about their thinking even when they thought stupid stuff — Bill Clinton came close and exceeded Rockefeller in craft by a full measure.

Or, in Rockefeller’s case, did stupid stuff. Like? Like in 1972, when, as governor of New York, he set the National Guard loose on rioting inmates at Attica Prison, which left 39 people dead, 10 of them hostages. And then breezily explained it away later while chatting with President Richard Nixon by saying, according to The New York Times, “That’s life.”

Rockefeller was the rarest of creatures — one that we don’t see much of these days: a liberal Republican.

Heavy, and existentially so, but in keeping with the man who, on a campaign swing in 1976 as vice president to Gerald Ford, greeted hecklers with a raised middle finger, for a time dubbed the Rockefeller Salute, and refused to apologize for it. Because? Well, because he was Nelson Rockefeller. Who held the special salute long enough for people in the press pool to get all the photos they needed.

“Not bad for a Dartmouth man,” says former Newsday reporter Ed Newton, laughing. But outside of being a reliable generator of comedy, Rockefeller was the rarest of creatures — one that we don’t see much of these days: a liberal Republican. “Reagan and Goldwater didn’t have the time of day for him,” says Newton. For good reasons, they thought. Rockefeller gave somewhat of a damn about the environment, and he spent money on education. Indeed, it was largely through his agency that the multicampus State University of New York was created. And the capper for some of the more doctrinaire Republicans: Through investment in New York State’s infrastructure, he was in tight with the unions.

Nelson A. Rockefeller in the late 1950s, when he first sought the governorship of New York.

See, Rockefeller was the grandson of both the man widely held to be the wealthiest American of all time, as well as the richest person in modern history, according to PBS and Fortune magazine. Nevertheless, oilman John D. Rockefeller was a pragmatist. With a schoolteacher mother and an education forged in a tony Upper West Side experimental school staffed with teachers from Columbia University’s Teachers College, Rockefeller did end up being a Dartmouth man. Cum laude, no less.

And, as time unspooled, not only would Rocky work in the family concerns, which at that point included, well, everything from oil to banking, and dabble in the requisite rich-guy stuff involving universities, art and museums, but he would also pursue the aforementioned crazy career in the public sector.

In addition to vice president and governor, Rockefeller did time, twice, as a cabinet secretary. First as assistant secretary of state for American republic affairs under Roosevelt and then Truman. And second as under secretary of health, education and welfare in the Eisenhower administration. But that high-profile public service is not how he’s remembered or why we’re talking about him here.

Here’s why. Rockefeller died from a heart attack on Jan. 26, 1979, at age 70, not that surprising, even if, as I spread out the paper that fateful morning, I was surprised. (Rockefeller was fond of seeing a psychic for some of life’s stickier moments, so he should have seen it coming.) At least he died doing what he loved, which the early reports indicated was slaving away at his desk in Rockefeller Center. On a book about art. Which is where he was found by security, slumped over his desk.

Back in the ’80s, I met the woman between whose thighs he allegedly died.

Allan MacDonell, journalist

As maybe Rockefeller himself would have wanted it, maybe, the report was soon corrected to state that he had had the attack at another “office.” This one a townhouse. In attendance was a 25-year-old “aide,” name of Megan Marshack. Which was a little more surprising, and which the media had a field day with, which really should surprise no one.

“Back in the ’80s, I met the woman between whose thighs he allegedly died,” says Allan MacDonell, a journalist whose investigative chops would later bring down Republican Senator Bob Packwood and an executive editor at Hustler for 20-some-very-odd years. “I was in my early 30s when I saw her, and accustomed to working at Hustler. I remember thinking: She doesn’t look like heart attack material.”

The deceased’s family, including wife Happy Rockefeller, tastefully demurred, even if longtime aide Joseph Persico confirmed the affair. The issue for them, though, was that their loved one was dead and would be missed. At the memorial service a week later, more than 2,000 people showed up to pay their respects, feeling very much the same way.

Despite it all. Despite Rocky’s three failed attempts to secure the presidency, the dead in Attica, divorce, remarriage, infidelity, middle finger, friendship with Henry Kissinger — despite it all, it was comfortably being acknowledged: a major player had passed.

Nelson A. Rockefeller, 1908-1979

Nelson A. Rockefeller was a businessman, politician, statesman, art collector, and philanthropist. He was born on July 8, 1908, in Bar Harbor, Maine, the third of six children of Abby Aldrich and John D. Rockefeller, Jr. He graduated from the Lincoln School of Teachers College at Columbia University in New York City in 1926. Nelson attended Dartmouth College, where he was elected to Phi Beta Kappa, graduating cum laude in 1930 with an A.B. degree in economics.

In June 1930, Nelson married Mary Todhunter Clark in Bala Cynwyd, Pennsylvania. They had two daughters and three sons. They divorced in 1962. In May 1963, Nelson married Margaretta (Happy) Fitler Murphy at his brother Laurance’s home in Pocantico Hills, New York. Happy had had four children from a previous marriage, and together they had two sons. They had homes in Manhattan Pocantico Hills, New York Washington, DC Seal Harbor, Maine Venezuela and western Texas.

After college, Nelson was active in family enterprises, including real estate, banking, and philanthropies. His major business interests eventually became focused on Rockefeller Center and Latin America. In 1938, he became the president of Rockefeller Center. During this same time, his service in government began, as a member of the Westchester County Board of Health in 1933.

In 1935, because of his interest in international affairs and his desire to learn about U.S. business abroad, Nelson became a director of Creole Petroleum Company, the Venezuelan subsidiary of Standard Oil of New Jersey. This association led to his life-long interest in Latin America. He made extensive visits to Latin America in 1937 and 1939 to study economic, social, and political conditions.

In 1940, Nelson and his four brothers organized the Rockefeller Brothers Fund to carry out a broad range of philanthropic activities.

Following his 1939 visit to Latin America, Mr. Rockefeller prepared a memorandum for President Franklin D. Roosevelt outlining his deep concern over Nazi influence and penetration into that part of the world. In the memo he recommended a program of cooperation with the nations of the western hemisphere to achieve better relations among these nations and to help raise their standards of living. Largely as a result of this memo, in August 1940 President Roosevelt asked Nelson to initiate and head the Office of Inter-American Affairs.

Nelson served as Coordinator of Inter-American Affairs, his first full-time position in public service, until December 1944, when President Roosevelt appointed him Assistant Secretary of State for American Republic Affairs. In this post, he attended the Inter-American Conference on Problems of War and Peace in February 1945 in Mexico City. It resulted in the Act of Chapultepec, which provided the framework for cooperation among the nations of the western hemisphere and established the principle that an attack on one of these nations would be regarded as an attack on all and jointly resisted.

Nelson also attended the United Nations Conference on International Organization in San Francisco in 1945. He believed that the formation of regional pacts such as the Act of Chapultepec was essential, and during the conference, he successfully argued for regional pacts within the framework of the United Nations. The importance of this victory was underscored by the subsequent formation of NATO, SEATO, and the Rio Pact.

Nelson resigned as Assistant Secretary of State in August 1945. Upon his return to private life in New York in 1946, he became chair of the board of Rockefeller Center and undertook a program of physical expansion. In July 1946, the Rockefeller brothers established a philanthropic organization, the American International Association for Economic and Social Development (AIA). AIA financed nonprofit projects to ameliorate health, educational, agricultural, and other social problems in the poorer areas of Latin America. Nelson Rockefeller served as its president from 1946 to 1953 and from 1957 through 1958.

Additionally, in 1947, he organized the International Basic Economy Corporation (IBEC) to help raise living standards in foreign countries through new economic enterprises. In its early years, IBEC concentrated on enterprises in Latin America but later expanded its activities to other regions. Nelson served as its president from 1947 to 1953 and from 1956 to 1958.

In 1950, President Harry S. Truman asked Nelson to serve as chair of the International Development Advisory Board. The Board was charged with recommending policies for carrying out the Point IV program to provide technical assistance to developing nations. Its final report, entitled “Partners in Progress,” provided the basic blueprint for America’s foreign assistance program.

In November 1952, President-elect Dwight D. Eisenhower asked Nelson to serve as chair of the President’s Advisory Committee on Government Organization, a group created to recommend ways to improve the efficiency of the executive branch of the government. As chair, Nelson recommended 13 reorganization plans, 10 of which were approved by Congress, resulting in changes in the organization of the Department of Defense, the Department of Agriculture, and the Office of Defense Mobilization. The recommendations also led to the establishment of the Department of Health, Education, and Welfare. In June 1953, Nelson was appointed under secretary of the new department. He was especially active in the department’s legislative program, recommending measures that added coverage of an additional 10 million people under the Social Security program. Nelson resigned from HEW in 1954 to become Special Assistant to the President for Foreign Affairs.

While serving as Special Assistant, Nelson played a key role in the development of the “Open Skies” proposal for inspection of world armaments through mutual air reconnaissance. He accompanied President Eisenhower to the Geneva Summit Conference in 1955, where the plan was proposed by the President. Nelson resigned as Special Assistant at the end of 1955.

After years of appointed government service, Nelson first ran for public office in 1958 and was elected Governor of New York on November 4, defeating incumbent Averill Harriman. He was subsequently re-elected to three more consecutive terms, thus becoming the first governor in the nation’s history to be elected to four 4-year terms. As a progressive Republican, he vastly increased the state’s role in education, environmental protection, transportation, housing, welfare, and the arts. His candidacies for the Republican nomination for President in 1960, 1964, and 1968 were not successful. Nelson resigned as Governor in December 1973.

In August 1974, President Gerald R. Ford nominated Nelson to fill the vacant U.S. vice presidency following the resignation of President Richard M. Nixon. He served as Vice President from December 19, 1974, to January 20, 1977. During his tenure, he served as chair of the President’s Domestic Council and as chair of the commission that investigated the activities of the Central Intelligence Agency inside the United States. He was a proponent of the short-lived Energy Independence Authority, and he continued his service on the National Commission on Water Quality, which he had chaired under President Nixon.

Throughout his life Nelson was an avid supporter of the arts. Under his stewardship as governor, New York was one of the first states to form a council on the arts (1960), a predecessor to the National Endowment for the Arts. Nelson served as a trustee, treasurer, president, and chair of the board of the Museum of Modern Art, which his mother cofounded. In 1954, he founded the Museum of Primitive Art, which collected indigenous art of the Americas, Africa, Oceania, and early Asia and Europe. When that museum closed in the late 1960s, Nelson arranged for the collections to go the Metropolitan Museum of Art in New York. Nelson began his personal art collection in earnest in the late 1930s. During the next four decades he acquired highly renowned works of modern and Mexican folk art, which he bequeathed to Museum of Modern Art and the San Antonio (Texas) Museum of Art, respectively. Following his service as U.S. Vice President, Nelson launched an art-reproduction business called the Nelson Rockefeller Collection, Inc. that sold high-end, limited-edition reproductions through its catalog and retail store in Manhattan.

Nelson Rockefeller died of a heart attack on January 26, 1979, at his offices in New York City.

Watch the video: Looking back at the life and politics of Nelson Rockefeller


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